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Banning Electric Scooters Won’t Solve Ireland’s Problem

Following a number of serious accidents involving young people on electric scooters, the Irish Government is considering whether electric scooters should be banned.

It took the Irish government years to allow Private Electric Vehicles and in a knee-jerk reaction to appear decisive, they are completely missing the real problem.

Ireland has already tried prohibition.

Until May 2024, electric scooters could not legally be used on public roads. Despite that, anyone living in Dublin knows exactly what happened. The city was already full of scooters. They were used on roads, cycle lanes and footpaths every day. The ban did not stop people buying them. It did not stop people using them. It simply meant that everyone using one was breaking the law.

If a ban did not work before, why would it work now?

The issue has never been the existence of electric scooters. The issue is that the rules are often ignored and enforcement is inconsistent. And that is not scooter problem, it is a general issue that extends to many e-bikes too.

Irish law already limits the maximum speed, sets a minimum age of 16 and defines where scooters may be used. Yet it is common to see children below the legal age riding them. It is equally common to see scooters travelling much faster than the legal limit or being used where they clearly should not be.

When people repeatedly see illegal behaviour without consequences, they begin to assume the rules are optional. That damages respect for the law itself.

Introducing another ban while failing to enforce the current legislation simply repeats the same mistake.

Electric scooters are also part of a much bigger picture.

Across Europe, cities are encouraging forms of transport that reduce congestion, lower emissions and give people practical alternatives to driving. Electric scooters are not perfect, but neither are bicycles, cars or motorcycles. Every form of transport carries risk. The answer has never been to ban transport because some users behave irresponsibly.

Instead, the focus should be on making responsible use the easiest option.

Germany provides an interesting example. Road-legal scooters require insurance and registration, making enforcement straightforward. Ireland should be looking at practical regulatory models like this instead of returning to prohibition.

There is also a gap in Irish legislation. Someone who wants to own a more powerful scooter responsibly has virtually no legal pathway to register, insure and use it. You can buy and insure a motorbike, but you can’t insure a faster scooter. Creating a sensible framework for these vehicles would be far more constructive than pretending they do not exist.

The recent injuries involving children are worrying. However, children under 16 are already prohibited from riding electric scooters on public roads. Those accidents demonstrate a failure to enforce the existing law. They do not demonstrate that responsible adults should lose access to a legitimate means of transport.

The Government has an opportunity to improve safety without turning back the clock.

That means enforcing the existing rules consistently, ensuring the age limit is respected, introducing mandatory helmet use, creating a practical insurance framework for higher-powered vehicles and taking firm action against dangerous riding and illegal modifications.

None of those measures requires banning electric scooters.

Ireland has invested heavily in promoting cleaner transport and reducing dependence on private cars. Electric scooters are one part of that future. Good regulation will make them safer. Prohibition has already been tried and it failed.

The objective should not be to eliminate electric scooters. The objective should be to eliminate dangerous behaviour.

Fuel protests in Ireland have a point. But this is not how to do it.

People in Ireland are right to be angry about fuel prices.

Over the past weeks, petrol and diesel costs have surged to never seen before levels, driven by the wider oil shock linked to the war involving the United States, Israel and Iran. In Ireland, that has triggered protests, road blockades, depot blockades and major disruption in Dublin and beyond. More than 100 filling stations have reportedly run dry, emergency planning has been activated and companies including DPD Ireland have suspended services because of the disruption.

The anger is real and understandable!

Fuel prices are not made up only of the market cost of oil and refining. In Ireland, they also include Mineral Oil Tax, a carbon tax component within that tax and VAT at the standard 23% rate. The Government did already announce temporary cuts from late March, saying the package would reduce the pump price by about 17 cent per litre for petrol and 22 cent for diesel once the excise and levy changes are combined.

So there is a reduction in price that has been enabled by the government, but when the base price rises sharply, the final price at the pump still is punishing. For households, commuters, hauliers, farmers and small businesses, this is not some abstract economic debate. It is immediate and painful.

So yes, the protest is legitimate, even if the Irish government hasn’t caused the rise of the base price.

In fact, one of Ireland’s recurring problems is that people often tolerate too much for too long. Peaceful protest is a healthy part of democracy. It signals that something has gone badly wrong and that people are no longer willing to absorb the cost in silence.

But supporting the right to protest does not mean supporting every form of protest.

And that is where this movement loses me.

A protest that wants to be taken seriously must meet a basic standard. It needs leadership. It needs structure. It needs a clear set of demands. It needs people who can speak for it and negotiate on its behalf. And it needs to know the difference between disruption that makes a point and disruption that turns the public against the cause.

At the moment, this fuel protest appears to be failing that test.

It has largely been organised through social media. It does not seem to have a clear and recognised leadership structure. Its demands are blurred. Some want fuel price caps. Some want further tax reductions. Some want carbon taxes removed. Some claim to speak for farmers or hauliers, while established representative bodies have not clearly owned or led the action. That makes it much easier for political leaders to dismiss the protest and much harder for the public to know exactly what they are being asked to support.

And these details matter, especially when the protest has such a huge effect.

A government cannot realistically negotiate with an anonymous crowd whose demands are shifting and whose authority is uncertain. Grassroots anger is real, but anger alone is not a negotiating position.

Worse still, once a protest begins to choke fuel supply, paralyse roads, disrupt deliveries and interfere with ordinary people trying to work and live, it crosses an important line. Protest should put pressure on power. It should not hold the wider public to ransom.

There is a big difference between a warning protest and an open-ended campaign of disruption. A warning protest says: this is serious, listen now, or stronger action will follow. What is happening at the moment is not disciplined pressure, but it is uncontrolled escalation. And uncontrolled escalation is usually self-defeating. It may create headlines, but it also creates resentment, especially when ordinary workers, patients, families and small businesses are the ones suffering even more.

If this movement wants to succeed, it needs to grow up quickly.

It should appoint credible representatives. It should define two or three clear demands. It should separate legitimate pressure from national self-harm. And it should communicate in a way that allows the wider public to say, “Yes, I support that.”

There is also a more serious policy discussion underneath all this.

If global oil prices surge because of war or geopolitical instability, the Irish Government cannot control the international oil market. But it can control how the domestic tax burden is structured. That is where a more serious proposal could come in.

One sensible idea would be to limit the state take per litre to fixed amounts rather than letting part of the tax burden rise automatically with price. Excise is already fixed per litre, but VAT is percentage-based, so when the underlying price rises, the VAT take rises too. That leaves many people with the understandable impression that the State benefits from price spikes while everyone else suffers.

That does not mean every tax should disappear. It does mean the system should be reviewed so that extraordinary international shocks do not automatically inflate the State’s share while households and businesses struggle.

THAT is a debate worth having.

But it is not helped by chaos without leadership.

So my position is simple. The protesters can be angry. They are right to protest. But they are wrong in how they are doing it. A protest without structure, without accountable leadership and without a disciplined strategy is not strong. It is weak. And once it starts damaging the lives of the very public whose support it needs, it stops being a justified warning and starts becoming sabotage.

Ireland needs serious pressure on serious issues.

It also needs protests that are serious enough to deserve support.

Families Pay, Exhibitors Pay — Why Is Higher Options Double-Charging?

Why Are We Charging Teenagers to Choose Their Future?

This week, the Irish Times Higher Options event takes over the RDS. The organisers proudly expect 30,000 students to attend. Each pays €12.50 for the privilege – that’s €375,000 from ticket sales alone. Add €1,490 + VAT per exhibitor (about 150 of them) and you realise this is not just a career fair – it’s a serious money-spinner.

Now compare that with Europe:

  • The European Education Fair in Paris? Free.

  • The Days of International Education in the Baltics? Free.

  • UCAS fairs in the UK? Free.

So why are Irish families paying for something their peers abroad get without charge? For households with more than one teenager, the cost is eye-watering. Education shouldn’t be treated like a luxury add-on.

👉 The alternatives?

  • Free open days at every Irish university and college.

  • Apprenticeship.ie and your local ETB for trades and training.

  • CAO, Qualifax, CareersPortal — all free, comprehensive, and accessible.

Guidance for life-shaping decisions should be accessible to all – not just to those who can afford an RDS ticket.

Product Warranty / Guarantee in Ireland is not 6 years

In a Facebook group that I have joined some time ago, a question was asked today about product guarantee or warranty in Ireland and some people claimed that in Ireland you have a 6 year warranty, while in other EU countries the warranty is only 2 years.

This is incorrect and seems to be a wide-spread misconception in some consumer circles.

I hadn’t heard about that before and it surprised me and filled me with doubt about these vox-pop opinions that were not really substantiated. So what do you do? You read the law and find out what are the facts!

I checked out the Consumer Act 2022 and it confirmed that there is no such thing as a 6 year warranty.

Instead, under Irish consumer law, you have up to six years from the date of purchase to seek remedies if a product is faulty or not as described. This period is based on the statute of limitations for contract claims in Ireland. However, the specific remedies available depend on when the fault becomes apparent:

  • Within 30 days of purchase: You have the right to reject the goods and obtain a full refund.
  • Within the first 12 months: It’s presumed that the fault existed at the time of purchase, and the seller is responsible for providing a repair or replacement.
  • After 12 months and up to six years: You may still seek a repair, replacement, or partial refund, but you might need to prove that the fault was due to an inherent defect present at the time of purchase.

It is important to note that while you have up to six years to take action, the expectation of a product’s lifespan varies depending on its nature and usage. Therefore, the remedies available may be influenced by what is considered a reasonable period for the specific product.

This means that when the washing machine engine stops working after 5 years, you do NOT have a right to get a new machine or part of the money back, UNLESS you can prove that the motor had a fault on the day of purchase. This is HUGELY different than having a 6 year warranty.

It doesn’t help that the Citizens Information website at www.citizensinformation.ie/en/consumer/shopping/guarantees-and-warranties/ doesn’t clarify this at all, but uses an ambiguous sentence “You are entitled to raise a problem about a product for up to 6 years from the date of buying it. This applies regardless of the terms of any guarantee or warranty.” instead of making it crystal clear.

P.S: I know there is a difference between guarantee and warranty, but many people use the terms interchangeably although this is incorrect. The above listed Citizens Information article contains some good(and correct!) information about warranty and guarantee.

Wingsuit flight through ESB chimneys a “serious safety incident”

Something spectacular happened over our heads on Friday: Three Red Bull Wingsuit pilots jumped out of a helicopter over Dublin and subsequently flew towards and then through the gap between the iconic ESB chimneys at Poolbeg. It seems to be part of a series of flights through landmarks and just three weeks ago wingsuit pilots flew through the gap at the Tower Bridge in London.

Nobody thinks that wingsuiting is a safe sport, Red Bull themselves say “Wingsuit flying is the most dangerous extreme sport in the world”, but it is still laughable that the ESB felt they had to release a statement calling the event a “serious safety incident”. Sometimes it is just better to say nothing. Have a look at the great flight here: www.rte.ie/news/ireland/2024/0531/1452382-dublin-skydive/

Red Bull is known for usually getting all necessary permissions and since the ESB probably doesn’t own the airspace above their buildings or between their chimneys they probably didn’t need to be asked.

The City of London took a different stance when the pilots flew during a much more spectacular stunt “through” the Tower Bridge. They didn’t complain about a safety incident, instead they supported the event by closing the Tower Bridge for the event. In London UK air traffic control also kept the airspace clear for the event on 12 May and a pontoon was installed in the Thames for the landing of the pilots. In Dublin ESB complains about a “serious safety incident”. Interesting!

 
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